Showing posts with label Tennessee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tennessee. Show all posts

Monday, March 16, 2020

Tennessee Democrats Move to Remote Congressional District Conventions

Just under two weeks since the Tennessee presidential primary and a little more than a week since the county conventions in the Volunteer state, the coronavirus has stepped in to disrupt the delegate selection process there. 

District conventions were set to take place across the state this coming weekend on Saturday, March 21. County selectors, as they are called in Tennessee, were elected from respective presidential preference groups at the March 7 county conventions to attend the district conventions and select national convention delegates from those districts. 

That will still happen this weekend, but the Tennessee Democratic Party "out of an abundance of caution" has moved the process to a remote teleconferencing format in order to tamp down on the spread of the virus that is causing a wave of shut downs and cancelations across the country. 

Life has been greatly affected and that extends to the delegate selection process occurring quietly behind primaries and caucuses as they happen. Not many delegates have been selected yet, but the pace is getting ready to pick steam as the calendar turns to April. Tennessee joins South Carolina Democrats in making moves to limit in-person gatherings. Whether and to what extent other state parties react remains an open question at this point. But it is a developing story as the coronavirus situation evolves. 

--

Tuesday, March 3, 2020

2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: TENNESSEE

TENNESSEE

Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 73 [14 at-large, 8 PLEOs, 42 congressional district, 9 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan


--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.

That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.

Like in Oklahoma, changes were limited in Tennessee from 2016 to 2020. The primary stayed on Super Tuesday and Volunteer state Democrats lost two district delegates and one PLEO delegate in 2020 compared to the 2016 delegation. It mainly was a status quo interim period between the last cycle and 2020 for the delegate selection rules in Tennessee.


Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.


Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.

See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.


Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Tennessee's 42 congressional district delegates are split across 9 congressional districts and have a variation of just three delegates across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Tennessee Democrats are using based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 4 delegates
CD2 - 4 delegates
CD3 - 4 delegates
CD4 - 4 delegates
CD5 - 6 delegates
CD6 - 4 delegates
CD7 - 5 delegates*
CD8 - 4 delegates
CD9 - 7 delegates*

*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.


Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.

[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]


Selection
The 42 district delegates in Tennessee are chosen at congressional district conventions on March 21 based on the results in the respective congressional districts. PLEO delegates will be chosen on April 18 by the State Party Committee and then at-large delegates will be selected on the same date by the State Executive Committee of the Tennessee Democratic Party.

Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in mid-April when the Tennessee statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.

Thursday, October 6, 2016

The Electoral College Map (10/6/16)



New State Polls (10/6/16)
State
Poll
Date
Margin of Error
Sample
Clinton
Trump
Undecided
Poll Margin
FHQ Margin
Arizona
9/28-9/30
+/- 3.66%
718 likely voters
42
42
9
+/-0
--
Arizona
10/2-10/4
+/- 3.9%
600 likely voters
44
42
6
+2
+1.80
Florida
9/27-10/4
+/- 3.8%
686 likely voters
41
38
10
+3
--
Florida
10/2-10/4
+/- 3.9%
600 likely voters
44
45
4
+1
+2.04
Indiana
10/3-10/5
+/- 4.0%
600 likely voters
38
43
8
+5
+11.11
Maryland
9/27-9/30
+/- 4.0%
706 likely voters
63
27
2
+36
+28.28
Michigan
10/1-10/3
+/- 4.0%
600 likely voters
43
32
12
+11
+6.22
Nevada
10/2-10/4
+/- 3.6%
700 likely voters
43
43
2
+/-0
+0.25
New Hampshire
10/3-10/5
+/- 4.4%
500 likely voters
44
42
8
+2
+5.10
Ohio
9/27-10/2
+/- 3.46%
800 likely voters
44
42
4
+2
+0.56
Rhode Island
10/2-10/4
+/- 3.9%
600 likely voters
52
32
6
+20
+12.29
Tennessee
9/19-10/2
+/- 3.7%
1000 registered voters
33
44
14
+11
+14.52
Texas
9/29-10/1
+/- 3.51%
780 likely voters
37.95
44.87
10.26
+6.92
+8.63
West Virginia
9/13-9/17
+/- 5.0%
500 likely voters
28
60
12
+32
+24.70


Polling Quick Hits:
Yesterday's trickle is today's relative flood of new state-level polling data to dig into.

Arizona:
The most recent wave of UPI/CVOTER polls had Trump ahead by ten points in the Grand Canyon state. And it stands alone in a series of around two point leads in surveys throughout 2016 in the state.  Even without cell phone users included in the sample, Emerson falls in that range in its new Arizona poll. Of course, this is the first poll Clinton has led there since the end of August. The balance of narrow leads had shifted primarily toward Trump through September; building a small but seemingly durable lead for the New York businessman. The tie in the OH Predictive Insights polls is in a similar position, although this is the closest Trump has been in a series of surveys that have favored Clinton all year.


Florida:
The two new polls from the Sunshine state can tell a couple of different stories taken on their face(s). On the one hand, they represent more evidence that Florida is close. But Florida is always close. On the other, one could take a slightly out of context position that, together, they offer a mixed message about who is ahead. Of the 14 polls in the field after September 11 that FHQ has included in the averages, Clinton has led in 11 of them. Out of the two new polls, take that Emerson one with a grain of salt.


Indiana:
Before jumping to conclusions on the latest Howey survey out of Republican vice presidential nominee Mike Pence's home state, some context. The last poll there was pretty close to the same. Trump is pulling the same 43 percent he did at the beginning of September as he is now. The difference is on Clinton's side, and it is a minimal two percentage point shift in her share of support. Things have gotten marginally closer, then, but only slightly lowers the FHQ graduated weighted average in a Strong Trump state.


Maryland:
Two things on this latest Washington Post poll of Maryland:
1. It looks a lot like the 2012 vote (share) distribution in the Old Line state (only Trump is lagging behind Romney).
2. It also closely resembles the poll the paper conducted in the state in March. Clinton's share is the same and Trump's has increased by one percent.

Mark Maryland as safely blue.


Michigan:
One could argue that Clinton got a bounce in Michigan out of the first debate. Across the last two EPIC/MRA surveys -- one last month before the debate and one this week -- her margin in the Great Lakes state has ballooned from three to eleven. Yet, that may miss part of the story in Michigan. What is interesting is that the two candidates shares of support in the firm's surveys of Michigan have snapped back to exactly where they were just after the two conventions had wrapped up.

Michigan remains one of those 40 percent states for Trump, a state where Trump has struggled to reach and/or stay around 40 percent. Two things do work in Trump's favor there. Clinton has not really broken out of the low 40s and there continues to be a sizable chunk of undecideds there. Granted, Trump would have to win a significant portion of them to even pull even with Clinton.


Nevada:
Nevada is the closest state in FHQ's averages. Just a quarter of a point separates Clinton and Trump there. It is fitting, then, that the new Emerson poll of the Silver state finds the race knotted up. But in the post-debate landscape, this is a good poll for Trump. Everything since that point has turned in Clinton's direction in Nevada, but the leads have been slight.


New Hampshire:
Including the recent UPI/CVOTER survey the last two polls of the Granite state have shown a much tighter race than has been the case for much of the year. Unlike most states in the immediate aftermath of Clinton's mid-September illness, the polls did not really budge in New Hampshire. After the margins briefly climbed into the low double digits in some surveys just after the conventions, most settled into a Clinton +5 to +9. That trend persisted even when the polls narrowed elsewhere in September. These two could be a blip on the radar or be a sign of some new trend. However, it should be said that this is Suffolk's first trip into New Hampshire this cycle.


Ohio:
The Anzalone survey in Ohio looks a lot like another recent poll of the state. While there is some consistency across those two surveys, the reality is that the polling is mixed in Ohio. The Buckeye state is close; not Nevada close, but not far off from that either.


Rhode Island:
Changes (October 6)
StateBeforeAfter
Rhode IslandLean ClintonStrong Clinton
In 2012, the Rhode Island vote distribution ended up looking a lot like that of Maryland's. Four years later, however, the similarity has disappeared. Maryland seems the same, but Rhode Island, while still comfortably blue, has seen the gap between candidates contract. The story there is not that Trump has made any gains. He is, in fact, currently only slightly -- a point -- ahead of Romney's pace. Rather, the issue is that Hillary Clinton has consistently run well behind where Obama was in the Ocean state four years ago. Even in this new Emerson poll -- one where the former Secretary of State is well ahead of Trump -- she is about ten points behind Obama 2012.

Rhode Island could do with some more polling.


Tennessee:
Sure, both candidates are lagging behind their 2012 counterparts in this Vanderbilt poll of the Volunteer state. And Trump is even further behind Romney than Clinton is Obama. However, that does not change the fact that Trump continues to be around 15 points ahead of Clinton in Tennessee. It is still falls well into the Strong Trump group of states.


Texas:
FHQ does a mini-double take every time we see a Texas poll with Trump only ahead by a margin in the upper single digits. But those sorts of surveys have been the rule rather than the exception during 2016. While the Lone Star state has been polled infrequently, they collectively paint a picture of a consistent -- albeit it smaller than normal -- Republican advantage.


West Virginia:
For every Maryland on the Democratic side of the partisan line there is a West Virginia on the Republican side. The Mountain state is nearly the surest thing for Donald Trump, but it still amazing how far West Virginia has traveled across the Electoral College Spectrum in the time since another Clinton was the last Democrat to carry the state.


--
There was a lot to look at, but not much to show for it. The bulk of the figures had mostly Rhode Island flavored changes. The Ocean state inched back into a more typical Strong Democratic position on the map, taking its four electoral votes with it. Additionally, it represented the largest moving state on the Electoral College Spectrum; shifting three spots toward the Democratic end. The other shifts on the Spectrum were only small flips of one spot. Finally, the Watch List lost both Rhode Island and Michigan.




The Electoral College Spectrum1
MD-102
(13)
WA-12
(162)
PA-20
(263)
SC-9
(154)
MT-3
(53)
HI-4
(17)
NJ-14
(176)
CO-94
(272 | 275)
TX-38
(145)
AR-6
(50)
VT-3
(20)
OR-7
(183)
FL-29
(301 | 266)
AK-3
(107)
ND-3
(44)
CA-55
(75)
NM-5
(188)
NC-15
(316 | 237)
MS-6
(104)
KY-8
(41)
MA-11
(86)
ME-23
(190)
OH-18
(334 | 222)
IN-11
(98)
NE-53
(33)
NY-29+13
(116)
MN-10
(200)
NV-6
(340 | 204)
KS-6
(87)
AL-9
(28)
IL-20
(136)
MI-16
(216)
IA-6
(198)
UT-6
(81)
OK-7
(19)
DE-3
(139)
WI-10
(226)
AZ-11
(192)
LA-8
(75)
ID-4
(12)
CT-7
(146)
VA-13
(239)
GA-16
(181)
TN-11
(67)
WV-5
(8)
RI-4
(150)
NH-4
(243)
MO-10+13
(165)
SD-3
(56)
WY-3
(3)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Colorado (all Clinton's toss up states plus Colorado), he would have 275 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Clinton's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.
To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Maine and Nebraska allocate electoral college votes to candidates in a more proportional manner. The statewide winner receives the two electoral votes apportioned to the state based on the two US Senate seats each state has. Additionally, the winner within a congressional district is awarded one electoral vote. Given current polling, all five Nebraska electoral votes would be allocated to Trump. In Maine, a split seems more likely. Trump leads in Maine's second congressional district while Clinton is ahead statewide and in the first district. She would receive three of the four Maine electoral votes and Trump the remaining electoral vote. Those congressional district votes are added approximately where they would fall in the Spectrum above.

4 Colorado is the state where Clinton crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election. That line is referred to as the victory line. Currently, Colorado is in the Toss Up Clinton category.



NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Clinton and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.


The Watch List1
State
Switch
Alaska
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Colorado
from Toss Up Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Clinton
Maine CD2
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nevada
from Toss Up Clinton
to Toss Up Trump
New Hampshire
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
New Jersey
from Strong Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Ohio
from Toss Up Clinton
to Toss Up Trump
Oregon
from Strong Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Pennsylvania
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
Virginia
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.


Recent Posts:
The Electoral College Map (10/5/16)

The Electoral College Map (10/4/16)

The Electoral College Map (10/3/16)

Follow FHQ on TwitterGoogle+ and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Tuesday, October 4, 2016

The Electoral College Map (10/4/16)



New State Polls (10/4/16)1
State
Poll
Date
Margin of Error
Sample
Clinton
Trump
Undecided
Poll Margin
FHQ Margin
Illinois
9/27-10/2
+/- 3.3%
865 likely voters
53.2
28.4
9.5
+24.8
+15.94
Nevada
9/27-10/2
+/- 3.8%
700 likely voters
44
41
4
+3
+0.27
North Carolina
9/27-9/30
+/- 3.81%
660 likely voters
45
39
6
+6
+1.26
Oregon
9/29-10/1
+/- 4.0%
605 likely voters
45
33
11
+12
+10.12
Pennsylvania
9/28-10/2
+/- 6.1%
496 likely voters
47
38
9
+9
--
Pennsylvania
9/30-10/3
+/- 4.9%
402 likely voters
50
40
2
+10
+5.06
Tennessee
9/28-10/2
+/- 5.0%
472 likely voters
38
50
6
+12
+15.22
1Includes latest wave (9/19-10/2) of UPI/CVOTER polls from all 50 states and the District of Columbia.


Polling Quick Hits:
As the lone vice presidential debate looms over the day, there were a handful of new surveys released. The seven polls were for the second consecutive day primarily from states that are tipped toward Clinton at the moment. That leaves a seeming sea of blue across the board with just one red state represented.

Illinois:
Changes (October 4)
StateBeforeAfter
MississippiLean TrumpStrong Trump
PennsylvaniaToss Up ClintonLean Clinton
For most of the year Hillary Clinton has been chasing Obama's 2012 performance in the bluest of states. That has been true in Illinois as well. But in this new poll from the Simon Institute, Clinton is on Obama's heels while Trump lags well behind Romney's pace from four years ago. Of course, overall both candidates are about the same distance apart as their 2012 counterparts were on Election Day.


Nevada:
It was not that long ago that Trump had reeled off a streak of ties or narrow leads in Nevada surveys. However, the first debate seems to have shifted that dynamic in the opposite direction. Clinton has been tied or ahead in every poll that was in the field after the Hofstra debate. The Silver state already flipped back to the Democratic side of the partisan line on the Electoral College Spectrum, but the Clinton advantage remains quite slight.


North Carolina:
The same Nevada phenomenon has been at work in North Carolina as well, although there was no Trump polling streak in the Tar Heel state heading into the first debate. Instead, leads traded hands. Now, however, Clinton has run off a string of polling edges that, while still narrow for the most part, has established a pretty firm lead of just more than a point. This shift is pretty well exemplified by the shift across Elon polls: a small Trump advantage in mid-September has been displaced by a six point Clinton lead now. And that was change built more on Trump trailing off than Clinton adding to her share of support.


Oregon:
There are a lot of undecideds in the Hoffman Research survey in Oregon. If they all broke toward Trump things might get interesting in the Beaver state. Yet, there has been nothing in the Oregon polling thus far that such an outcome is in the offing. Clinton has been behind Obama 2012 all year in Oregon, but consistently ahead of Trump by a margin right around the Strong/Lean line. The Hoffman poll is consistent with that.


Pennsylvania:
There are hints -- mostly driven by the two new polls today -- that the polling in the Keystone state is  beginning to resemble those from the post-convention period. That is to say that the margins are inching back up toward the double digits. If the more apparent debate effect dissipates any, things are likely to settle back into the five to seven point range again. The average here at FHQ nudged back above the five point (Lean/Toss Up) line on the weight of these two polls, pushing Pennsylvania back into Lean Clinton territory.


Tennessee:
The one spot of red in a batch of blue polls is an MTSU survey of Tennessee. There are not any surprises here. Trump is approaching 50 percent mark in terms of his average share of support in the FHQ graduate weighted averages and that is enough to have him well ahead of Clinton in the Volunteer state.


--
The headline changes today are the category shifts in Mississippi (based on the addition of the UPI surveys) and Pennsylvania. But the electoral vote count remains unchanged and the flips on the Spectrum of a handful of state were no more than a one cell shift. The Watch List, too, remains virtually unchanged. The list of states is the same, but the two states to change categories continue to huddle around the category lines.




The Electoral College Spectrum1
HI-42
(7)
NJ-14
(172)
PA-20
(263)
SC-9
(154)
MT-3
(53)
MD-10
(17)
OR-7
(179)
CO-94
(272 | 275)
TX-38
(145)
AR-6
(50)
VT-3
(20)
RI-4
(183)
FL-29
(301 | 266)
AK-3
(107)
ND-3
(44)
CA-55
(75)
ME-23
(185)
NC-15
(316 | 237)
MS-6
(104)
KY-8
(41)
MA-11
(86)
MN-10
(195)
OH-18
(334 | 222)
KS-6
(98)
NE-53
(33)
NY-29+13
(116)
NM-5
(200)
NV-6
(340 | 204)
IN-11
(92)
AL-9
(28)
IL-20
(136)
WI-10
(210)
IA-6
(198)
UT-6
(81)
WV-5
(19)
DE-3
(139)
MI-16
(226)
AZ-11
(192)
LA-8
(75)
OK-7
(14)
CT-7
(146)
VA-13
(239)
GA-16
(181)
SD-3
(67)
ID-4
(7)
WA-12
(158)
NH-4
(243)
MO-10+13
(165)
TN-11
(64)
WY-3
(3)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Colorado (all Clinton's toss up states plus Colorado), he would have 275 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Clinton's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.
To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Maine and Nebraska allocate electoral college votes to candidates in a more proportional manner. The statewide winner receives the two electoral votes apportioned to the state based on the two US Senate seats each state has. Additionally, the winner within a congressional district is awarded one electoral vote. Given current polling, all five Nebraska electoral votes would be allocated to Trump. In Maine, a split seems more likely. Trump leads in Maine's second congressional district while Clinton is ahead statewide and in the first district. She would receive three of the four Maine electoral votes and Trump the remaining electoral vote. Those congressional district votes are added approximately where they would fall in the Spectrum above.

4 Colorado is the state where Clinton crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election. That line is referred to as the victory line. Currently, Colorado is in the Toss Up Clinton category.



NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Clinton and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.


The Watch List1
State
Switch
Alaska
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Colorado
from Toss Up Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Clinton
Michigan
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nevada
from Toss Up Clinton
to Toss Up Trump
New Hampshire
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
New Jersey
from Strong Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Ohio
from Toss Up Clinton
to Toss Up Trump
Oregon
from Strong Clinton
to Lean Clinton
Pennsylvania
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
Rhode Island
from Lean Clinton
to Strong Clinton
Virginia
from Lean Clinton
to Toss Up Clinton
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.


Recent Posts:
The Electoral College Map (10/3/16)

The Electoral College Map (10/2/16)

The Electoral College Map (10/1/16)

Follow FHQ on TwitterGoogle+ and Facebook or subscribe by Email.